Justice Department finds Tulsa Race Massacre was ‘systemic’ and ‘coordinated’

The Department of Justice found in a newly released report that though the Tulsa Race Massacre was a “systematic” and “coordinated” attack that transcended mere mob violence, any legal repercussions are no longer possible in light of the statute of limitations.

The Justice Department (DOJ) began to review the Tulsa Race Massacre last September, at the time recognizing Viola Fletcher and Lessie Benningfield Randle, the last two survivors from the days-long attack. The review was undertaken pursuant to the Emmett Till Unsolved Civil Rights Crimes Act.

The 123-page report details how, between May 31 and June 1, 1921, as many as 10,000 white Tulsans in Oklahoma mounted a “concerted” effort to the neighborhood of Greenwood, a predominantly Black community known as Black Wall Street.

“The Tulsa Race Massacre stands out as a civil rights crime unique in its magnitude, barbarity, racist hostility and its utter annihilation of a thriving Black community,” said Kristen Clarke, assistant attorney general of the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division.

“Until this day, the Justice Department has not spoken publicly about this race massacre or officially accounted for the horrific events that transpired in Tulsa,” she added. “This report breaks that silence by rigorous examination and a full accounting of one of the darkest episodes of our nation’s past.”

According to the report, the violence was perpetrated by the unfounded allegations that 19-year-old Dick Rowland, a Black man, assaulted a white woman who operated an elevator he used. Rowland was arrested, but after a local newspaper sensationalized the story, a mob of white Tulsans gathered outside the courthouse and demanded a lynching.

At that point, the report found, the local sheriff called on Black men from Greenwood, many recently returned from serving in World War I, to come to the courthouse and help prevent a lynching.

But the white Tulsans saw this as an effort to protect Rowland and “an unacceptable challenge to the social order.”

A confrontation ensued, and eventually a shot went off, sparking the violence.

Tulsa police deputized hundreds of white residents, despite many having been drinking shortly before being handed badges. Law enforcement officers then helped organize the citizen deputies into the forces that would eventually destroy Greenwood.

During the two days of violence, white Tulsans looted, burned and destroyed 35 city blocks as Greenwood residents tried to defend their homes. As fires engulfed Greenwood, Black families were forced to flee, leaving behind their homes and other valuable items. White residents chased Black families across and even beyond the city, taking some into custody.

The Justice Department’s report also found credible reports that some law enforcement officers participated in murder, arson and looting.

Survivors of the massacre were left with little to nothing, and though city officials promised to help Greenwood rebuild, they failed to do so. Officials went as far as to establish obstacles to residential reconstruction.

Meanwhile, white local leaders rejected outside aid but provided little, if any, financial support before claiming the area was best suited for industrial use. Harsh new fire codes were imposed, and residents were priced out of the area.

The DOJ concluded that had today’s civil rights laws been in effect in 1921, federal prosecutors could have pursued hate crime charges against the massacre’s perpetrators, including both public officials and private citizens. Police officers, public officials and others could have also been prosecuted for willfully violating the civil rights of the victims. The few legal options that were available for federal prosecution in 1921 were not pursued.

Fletcher and Benningfield Randle, now both more than 100 years old, filed a lawsuit against the city demanding reparations. In the lawsuit, Benningfield Randle said she still has flashbacks of dead bodies being piled on the street as her neighborhood burned.

The lawsuit was initially dismissed by a lower court, and the two women asked the Oklahoma Supreme Court to give them the “opportunity — before they die and there are no other survivors of the Massacre — to take the stand, take an oath, and tell an Oklahoma court what has happened to them, their families and their community.”

The Supreme Court agreed but last summer ultimately dismissed the case.

Still, Clarke is expected to meet with members of the Greenwood District, as well as survivors and descendants of the Tulsa Race Massacre now that the report has been released.

“This report lays bare new information and shows that the massacre was the result not of uncontrolled mob violence, but of a coordinated, military-style attack on Greenwood,” Clarke said.

She acknowledged, though, that more than 100 years after the massacre, there is no living perpetrator for the Justice Department to prosecute.

“But the historical reckoning for the massacre continues,” Clarke added. “This report reflects our commitment to the pursuit of justice and truth, even in the face of insurmountable obstacles.”

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