Russia continues to subvert democracy in Moldova and Georgia

America isn’t the only country that just held a consequential election. In the former Soviet republics of Moldova and Georgia, citizens recently voted in contests where aspirations to join the West were on the ballot. In both cases, Russia appears to have sought to influence the outcomes, as Moscow has done in the U.S. and many other countries.

Vladimir Putin aims to keep Moldova and Georgia under his thumb — and the electoral results from both countries suggest his strategy is working. America and its European partners need to more actively support of democratic movements in Moldova, Georgia and other countries seeking to escape Russia’s orbit.

While Russia’s military presence in Moldova and Georgia represents its chief source of leverage in those countries, armed force isn’t the only tool at Putin’s disposal. In both nations, Russian spies, troll farms and Kremlin cronies are fueling separatist and anti-Western sentiment and interfering in political processes. By exploiting local cleavages and corruption, Moscow is stoking political discontent and advancing Russian influence.

Moldovans went to the polls on Oct. 20 to vote for president as well as on a referendum to amend their national constitution to enshrine in it the country’s ambition of joining the EU. The incumbent president, Maia Sandu, and the anti-Russian Action and Solidarity Party supported the referendum. Sandu ultimately defeated her main rival for the presidency, Alexandr Stoianoglo, who is backed by the pro-Russian Party of Socialists, in a second round of voting. The referendum also passed, but with just 50.16 percent of the vote. That narrow margin came as a shock to many, and denied Sandu the broad mandate she needs to take her country toward EU membership.

The vote was marred by what the U.S. State Department has described as “an unprecedented level of Kremlin interference.” Moscow has long sought to retain control over Moldova, where it maintains a 1,500-strong “peacekeeping” force in Transnistria, a breakaway region run by pro-Russia leaders.

Ahead of the election, Ilan Shor, a Russia-based Moldovan oligarch and known Kremlin influence agent, organized a $39 million vote-buying scheme, according to Moldovan law enforcement. At least 138,000 Moldovans reportedly received money via Russia’s state-owned Promsvyazbank, while others were paid by couriers. Groups linked to Shor and the Kremlin also distributed “agitational materials” and organized unlawful meetings with voters. This interference will no doubt continue, or even accelerate, in the country’s parliamentary elections next summer.

Georgia, meanwhile, held its first fully proportional parliamentary election on Oct. 26. The country’s ruling party, Georgia Dream, sought its fourth consecutive term, competing with several pro-democracy groups. The party’s founder and de facto leader, billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, made his fortune in Russia in the 1990s and reportedly still holds assets there. He later entered politics in Georgia, where he now functions as a behind-the-scenes puppet master. Under Ivanishvili’s leadership, Georgia has become less free and veered off the path to EU membership.

Whereas the opposition framed the election as “a choice between a European future and a Russian past,” Georgia Dream sought to portray the contest as a choice between its leadership or conflict with Russia. “We choose peace, not war,” Ivanishvili declared at a rally before the vote. Russia eagerly amplified this narrative, accusing the U.S. of planning a “color revolution” to overthrow Georgia Dream. Moscow also conducted influence operations in support of the ruling party.

While Georgia Dream claims it received 54 percent of the vote, the opposition, civil society organizations and independent Western monitors point to widespread irregularities. Mass protests ensued after the election.

Russia is capitalizing on existing economic turmoil in Eastern Europe and the Caucasus, using information operations to present itself as a more dependable ally than the West. To effectively counter Moscow’s influence, the West’s modest economic support will not be enough. Western powers need to fight back in other ways.

First, the West needs to counter Russia in the information space. Western countries should conduct information operation campaigns, rooted in the facts, aimed at combating Russian influence. For example, showcasing Western support for Moldova’s path to the EU, coupled with continued economic cooperation, would help reduce anti-Western sentiment among ordinary Moldovans and work against Kremlin narratives.

Additionally, given reports that Russia funneled money into Moldova to influence the referendum, the U.S. should support Moldovan authorities with financial intelligence capabilities to track illicit financial flows, which would help safeguard next summer’s elections from continued Russian manipulation.

In Georgia, the U.S. and its Western allies should step up their aid for civil society and opposition groups and should insist on a fair retabulation of the election results. Where appropriate, the American government should also impose further sanctions on Georgia Dream officials for the party’s role in crackdowns on basic freedoms. The West must also support forward movement in Georgia’s EU accession process, contingent on democratic reforms.

Moldova and Georgia are on the front line of the fight between authoritarianism and democracy, and they need our help. The free world must answer their call.

Rear Adm. (Ret.) Mark Montgomery is senior director at the Center on Cyber and Technology Innovation at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, where Ivana Stradner is a research fellow.