How Trump can reset the US-Qatar relationship

There was diplomatic whiplash when President-elect Trump’s transition team reportedly instructed Qatar to summon Hamas leaders back to Doha. Only last month, reports emerged that the Qataris had ousted Hamas after the Biden administration conveyed that the terrorist group’s presence was “no longer acceptable.” The incoming administration apparently wants to revive Gaza ceasefire talks, and fast.

A deal that frees the Gaza hostages would be welcome, but the new administration cannot afford to return to the Biden administration’s Qatar policy, which treated the emirate as a trustworthy ally despite its close ties to Hamas, incitement of anti-Israel hatred, and entanglement in bribery schemes involving senior U.S. and European officials. Trump should make clear that Doha will only remain a U.S. ally if it acts like one.

The Biden administration has taken several steps to position Qatar as an A-list American ally. In January 2022, President Biden designated Qatar as a Major Non-NATO Ally, granting Doha “military and economic privileges” that few other countries enjoy. The administration reinforced Qatar’s status this year when it admitted the emirate to the U.S. Visa Waiver Program, allowing Qatari citizens to travel to the United States for up to 90 days without a visa.

Qatar has only 330,000 citizens, but travel privileges should not be awarded to inhabitants of a country that has played host to Hamas for more than a decade.

Meanwhile, the Biden administration reached an agreement with Qatar to extend for another 10 years the U.S. military presence at Al Udeid Air Base, the largest American military base in the Middle East, located southwest of Doha. And until last month, the Biden White House worked with Qatari mediators to broker a Gaza hostage deal.

Despite Qatar repeatedly failing to exercise its political and financial leverage over Hamas, the Biden administration has continued to gush over Doha’s diplomatic service.

Now it’s time for a reset, so Qatar cannot take advantage of U.S. trust.

First, Doha must be made to divorce Hamas once and for all. If a hostage deal isn’t secured before inauguration day, the Trump administration should compel Qatar to shutter Hamas’s Doha office and extradite any senior Hamas leaders left in the emirate.

Trump should also consider revoking Qatar’s Major Non-NATO ally status if Doha fails to exert sufficient pressure on Hamas. The House and the Senate are already weighing bills to do just that.

Al Udeid is another source of leverage. The Trump administration should draw up contingency plans including alternatives to Al-Udeid, with an eye toward Saudi Arabia. As my colleagues recommend, “Washington should replicate elsewhere in the region vital military capabilities,” to prevent Qatar from using Al Udeid as a bargaining chip.

An accompanying report to the 2025 National Defense Authorization Act includes a section requiring the secretary of Defense to assess “the operational value of the Al-Udeid Air Base in Qatar, taking into consideration the presence of Hamas and other United States-designated terrorist organizations in Qatar.”

Next, the Trump administration should force U.S.-based Al Jazeera-plus to register as a foreign agent of Qatar. Al Jazeera-plus is a subsidiary of the state-controlled Qatari network. The U.S. Department of Justice ordered the network to register as a foreign agent in 2020, but it has yet to comply.

Last year, House lawmakers pressed congressional leadership to suspend Al Jazeera Media Network’s Capitol Hill press credentials “until the State of Qatar and its propaganda arm agree to adhere to the Foreign Agents Registration Act and other U.S. laws.” The new Congress should put teeth behind that threat.

The Trump administration should also assess whether Al Jazeera is a suitable target for sanctions due to its record of propaganda, incitement to violence and service to Hamas. Iranian and Russian state networks are sanctioned in the U.S. for broadcasting propaganda and serving their parent governments. Hamas-run Al-Aqsa TV and Hezbollah-run Al-Manar are also designated for supporting terrorist recruitment and fundraising efforts. The precedent exists for targeting foreign government’s malign propaganda organs, and Al Jazeera should not get a free pass.

Priority three is to take stock of Qatar’s fight against terror finance. Washington and Doha signed a counterterror finance agreement in 2017, but the presence of Hamas financiers in Qatar as late as 2023 suggests that Doha has not lived up to its commitments. Congress should require the U.S. Government Accountability Office to assess the implementation and enforcement of the 2017 agreement.

Finally, the Trump administration must hold Qatar accountable for corruption. U.S. authorities should investigate Qatar’s role in the corruption case that brought down Sen. Bob Menendez (D-N.J.), and consider using the Anti-Bribery Act, Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, Global Magnitsky Act to investigate and target Qatari entities and individuals.

A reckoning is also needed at the United Nations. Qatar is slated to host the 11th Session of Conference of State Parties to the U.N. Convention Against Corruption in December 2025. Doha reportedly requested to host the biennial summit “in light of its keenness to permanently contribute to supporting international efforts to prevent corruption.”

Qatar presents itself as an anti-corruption warrior and the United Nations is cooperating. The Trump administration should bear this in mind when charting out its priorities at Turtle Bay.

When it comes to Qatar, Trump shouldn’t pick up where Biden left off. If Doha won't act like an ally, it should not keep the privileges it has secured under the current administration.

Natalie Ecanow is a senior research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies.

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